Carroll as intellectualist and materialist, respectively, represent the complex economic and legal circumstances within which eighteenth-century composers worked. More generally, the rise of copyright was directly linked to the transition away from protectionist economic policies within mercantile economic frameworks, as Europe slowly evolved into a free market system.
The statute neither explicitly applied to music nor protected authors of printed works. Instead, it guaranteed publishers the exclusive rights to print during a fourteen-year period any work legally acquired. Composers began to enter copyright debates in England later in the eighteenth century, particularly through the famous cases of Johann Christian Bach and Charles Frederick Abel. Four main differences distinguish copyright protection from protection by royal privilege: first, privilege is not automatically guaranteed, but must be requested; second, a privilege granted could be revoked at any time; third, privilege was granted not only for prints, but also for reprints; and fourth, privileges did not extend across state borders.
This last defining feature of privilege caused numerous frustrations for music publishers throughout eighteenth-century Europe, as some composers used this loophole to their advantage. After the National Assembly was declared in June and the Bastille fell on July 14, France began to reimagine a new nation.
Old regime first estate
In this process, the night of August 4,stands out as a defining moment in French political, legal, social, and economic history. By the morning of August 5,the socio-economic structures of France, from time immemorial, had been completely dismantled. New legal structures had to be designed to facilitate all socio-economic exchange previously regulated through royal privilege, printing and publication among them.
When Grétry wrote to Sieyes, the two men had already witnessed a profound upheaval in the economic and legal structures that had once dictated the French music market. Although his academic performance at both institutions was underwhelming, his personal papers reveal a brilliant mind grappling with philosophy, natural history, and political and economic theories during the s and s.
Indeed, he described himself as an ecclesiastic-administrator rather than as a priest. The Abbé de Césarge helped Sieyes to obtain a position as secretary to a royal almoner, de Lubersac, who soon became bishop of Tréguier in Brittany.
Still, the ambitious cleric harbored resentment toward the nobility who occupied the most prestigious positions of the first estate, often at the expense of more deserving bourgeois clerics who were overlooked merely because of their meager social connections. The publications earned him celebrity in Paris and invitations to salons, and by he found himself elected deputy to the Estates-General as a representative of the Parisian third estate.
His leadership earned Sieyes appointment to committees that would draft the new constitution and the Declaration of Rights of Man. His opéra comiques had been wildly successful under the Old Regime, and although he had not mounted any recent successes as the Revolution heated, he held a long-established musical reputation in Paris. Byhowever, Grétry thoroughly recast himself in his published writings as an even-handed republican.
Sieyes demonstrated open distain for the second estate, the nobility, which he perceived as a lazy class that leached off the productive labor of the third estate. Yet his views about privilege became murky concerning the first estate, technically his own order. Sieyes viewed the clergy as a professional class that provided necessary services to the nation, particularly as educators.
Thus, he did not initially support the retraction of the clerical tithe on the night of August 4, This hesitation instigated his gradual decline from leadership in the National Assembly because he was perceived as insufficiently radical, an ironic turn of events for the man who might be said to have single-handedly created the political rhetoric that ushered in the Revolution. Grétry enjoyed income from monarchical privilege until the Revolution.
Although he also openly critiqued the nobility in his post-revolutionary writings, he never disparaged the monarchy.
The petition asks the committee to present a law to the National Assembly that would protect the intellectual property rights of writers and artists. The petitioners either contacted Sieyes as he compiled the report during the fall of or upon hearing of his initiative in Januarywith the hopes of encouraging the legislation to pass.
Though the legislation never passed in the form in which Sieyes presented it, the proposal he submitted on January 20,represents a milestone in French legal history on intellectual property rights and copyright. This petition proposes a detailed legal process by which music should be printed. Engravers would subsequently have to request proper paperwork from editors, proving that the author granted rights for the publication.
Next, compilers would need to obtain notarized permission if they wished to change any notes or instrument parts in a score. The legislation would forbid printers from moving forward with printing without a signed copy from the editor verifying that these processes had been properly followed. The petitioners also hoped to ban imported counterfeit works and to strictly regulate exportation. More than sixty musicians signed the petition, from professors at the École royale de chant et de déclamation to instrumental performers from the Théâtre Feydeau.
Almost all of the signees would become professors at the Paris Conservatoire when it formed five years later. Grétry ostensibly penned the letter to congratulate Sieyes about his recent work on liberty of the press, and in particular, the implications of the proposal for dramatic authors and composers.
The letter may be read in its original orthography in Appendix 1. But in a few provinces, such as Lorraine, there were only two steps to the process; and in Dauphiné and Béarn a single cahier was drawn up for the entire province. This, too, is a hypothesis that we will need to verify below. Third, there is the even more difficult and complex problem of the openness and sincerity of the cahiers. A number of studies have shown that their impact was probably rather marginal.
And what is the. We should not underestimate the deferential atmosphere very much in evidence in many of the electoral assemblies. It was a mood generated in part by the presence of a variety of bishops and great lords, and in part by the profound sentiments of filial devotion towards the king, a sentiment much in evidence in the cahiers rhetoric.
In a letter adressed to one of his friends in Quercy, the Third-Estate deputy Antoine Durand reflected on the extraordinary decrees arising out of the meeting of the night of August 4. He noted that the transformations passed on that occasion were almost entirely absent from their general cahier. We still had to be careful not to alarm the despotism we sought to end. Far more research remains to be done on this question, yet clearly we cannot discount the possibility that regional patterns of relative timidity and deference may have been reflected in the cahiers.
Finally, a few words must be said about methodology. Given the obvious interest of a regional analysis of the cahiers, how might such an analysis best be executed in practice? Initially, I attempted to make use of a variety of statistical approaches in order to compare regional patterns of cahier contents with the geography of other political, cultural, and ecological variables. The application of such methods, however, often proved rather unsatisfactory.
Most statistical techniques of this kind are conceived to measure overall relationships and are of little help in dealing with the problem of regional incidence. Correlation coefficients were usually far to small to be significant for France as a whole.
Moreover, it soon became évident that coefficients of this kind might conceal meaningful correlations which existed within certain regions but not within others. In a country as culturally and historically diverse as France, different parameters might have different effects in different regions. In the end, I was often forced to rely on a far less sophisticated, even artisanal analysis based on the gestalt impressions of cartographic representations.
As my source, I relied almost entirely on the Shapiro-Markoff data bank. The data in question includes the coded representation of the grievances extracted from all the known Noble and Third-Estate general cahiers and from a sample of the parish cahiers.
Usually I was able to make the calculations directly, through a computer analysis of the data. In order to interpret the figures thus generated and to compare them with other kinds of geographically conceived data, the bailliage or sénéchaussée scores calculated from individual cahiers were transformed into scores for the appropriate departments through a weighting process based on proportionate populations.
For the remainder of this presentation, I would like to explore the problems and possibilities of using the cahiers to test regional differences in attitudes in on one specific issue : religion and the church. For present purposes, I will examine only the general cahiers of the Third Estate.
We can begin by examining the absolute number of grievances of any kind related to the questions of religion and the church Figure A. A priori, one might have anticipated a relatively random distribution throughout the kingdom, but in.
But to what extent does this map represent those bailliages which were more loquacious on all subjects? To what extent did these western and eastern sectors simply write longer cahiers?
In order to answer this question, a second map has been produced Figure Billustrating the cahier grievances on religion and the church as a proportion of all grievances.
Among the rest, some are found to have conse. Overall, this map would appear somewhat less clear-cut and coherent than the preceding one. A certain number of departments with a substantial proportion of religious grievances seem to stand out by themselves, the result no doubt of isolated individual cahiers e. Nevertheless, the basic contours of this representation are similar in many respects to those of the previous ones. We note once again a strong bloc of departments in the West and in the East an East which, however, now includes Alsace in which religious and ecclesiastical issues were important not only in absolute but in proportionate terms.
However, a third zone also seems to emerge, a southern bloc of departments comprising Gévaudan, Rouergue, and Upper Languedoc. Perhaps equally interesting are those regions which were proportionately less verbose on the question : especially in Lorraine, in the Southwest, and in a large diagonal of departments from the Parisian Basin to the mouth of the Rhone. Of course, the precise meaning of these geographical patterns remains rather uncertain.
As a general rule. Statistically only about one percent of grievances seem to ask for the preservation of specific institutions. It might well indicate respect, but it might also signify indifference or an intimidated deference.
If we focus, however, on those grievances which do make mention of the church and religion, what precisely to they have to say on the subject? In an effort to explore this question, I have initially made use of the various rubrics in the Shapiro-Markoff coding scheme.
As the coders in Pitts. Not surprisingly, then, the map is difficult to interpret and seems relatively little coherent in regional patterns. On the other hand, when one maps all those grievances concerning the single institution of the tithes Figure D - again, as a proportion of all religious grievances - the regional patterns are decidedly more clear. The apparent obsession of Languedoc and Aquitaine with the questions of this clerical tax are scarcely surprising when we note that the average tithe rates were greater here than anywhere else in the kingdom.
Indeed, a tradition of opposition to the tithes had existed in the Midi since the Middle Ages, a tradition which broke into open revolt in the thirteenth and in the sixteenth centuries, and which was strongly supported.
The French Revolution
Though the tithe rates do not seem to have been unusually high in this region, opposition can perhaps be related to the large proportion in the North held by religious monasteries, or perhaps to the changes in the tithes being effected at the time in the adjoining Austrian Lowlands.
Yet the geography of tithe opposition can be further refined if we distinguish those cahiers which demanded the reform of the tax from those which wanted to suppress it in part or in totality. The most radical tithe demands - relatively rare overall - were concentrated primarily in the North, the Northwest, and the West of the country Figure F.
Image Pack Chaque cellule de votre storyboard sera exportée en tant qu'image autonome dans un fichier zip. Idéal pour: Impression grand format, Adobe Illustrator Power Point Convertissez votre storyboard en une présentation incroyable! Storyboard Description. Ce scénarimage n'a pas de description. Texte du Storyboard. Unfortunately he had put france into debt due to the support they aided the Americans during their revolution.
Therefore he made a decision that would spark the French Revolution.
He decided to tax the 2nd Estate. The social and political system of France was known as the Old Regime. The social classes were called estates Three different groups make up the Third. It was also the largest estate. Plus de Story-boards eiflores. Unknown Story.