Regiment definition civil war

His manners were marked by all the graceful courtesy of the old school, while the unaffected simplicity and modesty of his character, and the force and vigor of his ideas, left an impression not easily effaced. Theodore Lyman, a Volunteer ADC for Meade, observed that "he [Humphreys] is a an extremely neat man, and is continually washing himself and putting on paper dickeys. He has a great deal of knowledge, beyond his profession, and is an extremely gentlemanly man. When he does get wrathy, he sets his teeth and lets go a torrent of adjectives that must rather astonish those not used to little outbursts.

Gen David Bell Birney who secretly confided to a friend that "Humphreys Humphreys possessed a keen intellect and extraordinary soldiering skills. More importantly, Humphreys was a "fighter," a trait which Dana found rather exceptional for an engineer. He, like thousands of Volunteer officers, probably learned the mechanics of maneuvering troops in battle by judiciously studying the popular tactical handbooks of the day such as Hardee's Rifle and Light Infantry Tactics or Brig.

Gen Silas Casey's Infantry Tactics ; by subjecting his division to monotonous battle drills; and, most importantly, by experiencing the crucible of combat. There are differing views of Humphreys as a military leader. Henry Abbot provides the following insights into Humphreys military leadership style.

In official relations General Humphreys was dignified, self-possessed and courteous. His decisions were based on full consideration of the subject and, once rendered, were final. He had a profound contempt for every thing which resembled double-dealing or cowardice. He scorned the arts of time servers and demagogues; and when confronted with meanness, took no pains to conceal his indignation no matter what might be the rank or position of the offender.

He felt the warmest personal interest in the success of his young associates, and often did acts of kindness of which they learned the results but not the source. Conversely, Harry Pfanz, noted Civil War historian, concluded that Humphreys "had little charisma and was not a popular commander" and that he earned the sobriquet of "Old Goggle Eyes" because he wore spectacles and was a strict disciplinarian.

Humphreys left a splendid official report describing his actions during the battle. Of all the battle reports written during the war, Humphreys Gettysburg report is a model of clarity and completeness.

In the report Humphreys made a great effort to officially recognize the key combat leaders of the division and all of his divisional staff officers. Recognizing the unique quality of the report, the editor of The Historical Magazine first published it in Humphreys was nonplussed about the notoriety of the report because in a letter which accompanied the article he stated. A battle so lifts a man out of himself that he scarcely recognizes his identity when peace returns, and with it quiet occupation.

Despite Humphreys later reservations, his Gettysburg report with its first-hand impressions of the battle provides a clear picture of a Civil War division in action. Twenty years later, inHumphreys' report was again published as part of the War Department's official compilation of Civil War records. Humphreys Division entered the campaign as the second of two divisions that constituted the Third Army Corps commanded by Maj.

Daniel Sickles. Humphreys had little direct contact with his new corps commander during the early stages of the campaign because Sickles was on leave in New York City recovering from the effects of a minor wound from Chancellorsville, [ 50 ] By virtue of seniority General Birney, the First Division Commander, was "acting" corps commander during much of the approach march.

The absence of the corps commander and the rapid movement of the Army of the Potomac into Pennsylvania provided Humphreys little opportunity to observe the charismatic Dan Sickles in command. Humphreys was an outsider in the Third Corps simply because he was a career officer. Volunteer officers like Sickles and Birney were known to have ridiculed the fighting abilities of West Point trained regulars like Humphreys.

Conceivably, Sickles and Birney were even intimidated by Humphreys intellectual skills and his reputation as a disciplinarian. When Humphreys' Division left its camp at Falmouth, Virginia, on June 11,it was organized into three maneuver brigades.

The First Brigade, commanded by Brig. Joseph B. William R. The Third Brigade, commanded by Col. George C. Even Humphreys, the strict disciplinarian, found it difficult to keep his division intact on the approach march. Assisting Humphreys in managing the division and controlling it in combat was his general staff. The division staff also performed critical logistical functions.

An organizational chart of Humphreys' staff during the Gettysburg Campaign is shown on page In battle the division commander relied heavily sean kinney botox his ADCs to transmit and deliver orders to subordinate commanders and to perform tactical trouble shooting as required.

ADC duty was especially hazardous as mounted officers made lucrative targets for enemy marksmen. While the ADC had no command authority, he was the personal representative of the division commander. Orders given through an ADC had to be followed as if the order was given by the division commander himself. The photograph shown on page was taken in September and shows General Humphreys posing with three of the four young ADCs who served him at Gettysburg.

At Falmouth, Virginia, on June 11,Humphreys' Division began a series of long, hot forced marches as the Army of the Potomac raced for a showdown with Lee's army.

As his division passed through Frederick, Maryland, on June 28, Humphreys was summoned to army headquarters for an interview with the new army commander, General Meade. Meade, who had relieved Maj. Joseph Hooker of command of the army that very same day, wanted Humphreys to be his Chief-of-Staff. Humphreys declined the post and told Meade he could be of greater service in command of his division during the impending battle. Leading elements of Meade's Army of the Potomac and Lee's Army of Northern Virginia collided earlier that morning a few miles north of the Pennsylvania border at Gettysburg and by late afternoon a full-blown battle was raging.

Humphreys halted the division one mile north of Emmitsburg at about A. Shortly thereafter, Humphreys received orders through Third Corps directly from General Meade to perform a reconnaissance of the ground north of Emmitsburg. Meade was using Humphreys' topographical engineering experience to explore optional battle lines for the army because he had not yet decided to fully concentrate the army at Gettysburg. Humphreys left the division under the temporary command of General Carr, First Brigade, and accompanied by his Capt.

Cavada, proceeded to examine the ground north of Emmitsburg. At about P. To expedite rapid movement of the Third Corps, Birney's Division marched north on the main road from Emmitsburg while Humphreys' Division was directed to a country wagon road angling off to the northwest of the Emmitsburg Road. Humphreys finished his reconnaissance mission and, according to Cavada, "with some difficulty the Genl.

Along the way, Humphreys received some combat intelligence and more orders from the Third Corps. He saw a copy of a dispatch from General Howard that warned Sickles to guard his left from the enemy as he approached Gettysburg. He was also told by a local citizen that there were no Union troops west of the Emmitsburg Road only partially true considering the location of Buford's Cavalry Division.

Finally, a Third Corps staff officer arrived with orders directing Humphreys to "take position on the left of Gettysburg as he came up. At a fork in the road short of Marsh Creek, Hayden insisted the division take the left fork. Reluctantly, Humphreys ordered the brigade's columns to close up but to move on quietly in the darkness of the evening.

After crossing and recrossing Marsh Creek a number of times, the column turned onto the Fairfield Road about three miles west of Gettysburg. After proceeding about a mile, Hayden who was yards in advance of the column with the guides, rode back to Humphreys and informed him that there were enemy pickets directly ahead on the Fairfield Road. Given Humphreys' penchant for use of invective language, it is interesting to ponder his first words to Hayden in response to this startling news.

Alas, the historical record provides no clue. Humphreys later recorded that "before reaching the Tavern that night, I enquired as to the character of the keeper, and learned that his sympathies were not with us, or not very strongly, at least; and I therefore relied on what a young man, by the name of Boling, a wounded Union soldier, home on leave, who was there, told me of the enemy.

InHumphreys visited Mr. Bream, the tavern owner, and later wrote that. Bream says my troops made a great noise coming up, talking, etc. Now this is not true; and I told him so. I knew I was coming upon the enemy, and gave the caution to be quiet. What he heard was the noise of horses, and artillery, and ambulances, crossing and wading up Marsh run or Creek which has a rocky bottom, and that unavoidable noise that troops make in crossing a deep wading-stream of irregular depth.

Now the ambulances and artillery did the same thing in returning, and so did some of the Infantry; the other and greater part of the Infantry did not recross but kept along the bank. Humphreys pondered his good fortune to have survived this incident because he also recorded that. I was right in not attempting it. The sons indeed Bream himself mentioned that I had not been gone ten minutes when a party of twenty or thirty of the enemy came up to the tavern and passed the night there.

The chance of war; the day had been rainy and sultry, and the men longed for a few minutes more at each halt. Had I rode up to the Black Horse tavern fifteen minutes later, with my party of five or six, virtually unarmed, what might not have been the result of a deliberate volley from twenty or thirty muskets or rifles at a distance of twenty feet?

The division countermarched by recrossing Marsh Creek and marching along the road on the west bank of the creek. In moonlight Humphreys' brigades crossed to the east side of Marsh Creek at the Sachs covered bridge, forded Willoughby Run, passed Pitzer's Schoolhouse and proceeded up the gentle western slope of Seminary Ridge. As a precaution an infantry company was thrown out yards in advance of the division and the march proceeded along the Millerstown Road in his report Humphreys called this the Marsh Creek Road.

The way was clear and at the intersection of the Emmitsburg Road at the Peach Orchard Union cavalry videttes were contacted. Humphreys' fatigued division ended its very eventful approach march to Gettysburg and quickly went into bivouac at A. The Second Division commander and his staff were up and working at dawn on July 2. In his official report Humphreys stated that his "division was massed in the vicinity of its bivouac, facing the Emmitsburg road, near the crest of the ridge running from the Cemetery of Gettysburg, in a southerly direction, to a rugged, conical-shaped hill, which I find goes by the name of Round top, about 2 miles from Gettysburg.

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Cavada led the relief regiment forward and recorded that "our picket line at that hour of the day was placed about one hundred yards beyond the Gettysburg and Emmetsburg road and following its course for about a mile southward.

Due to darkness, however, Burling did not begin his march to Gettysburg until A. Burling's route of march was straight up the Emmitsburg Road, but it took him five hours to cover the twelve miles. He arrived into Humphreys' bivouac position at A. Berdan's reconnaissance-in-force, Sickles became uncomfortable with the placement of his corps along Cemetery Ridge.

In Sickles judgment, the high ground along the Emmitsburg Road was a better place to deploy his corps. He had learned a painful lesson two months earlier at Chancellorsville when his corps was ordered to abandon the high ground of Hazel Grove, the loss of which spelled doom for the Army of Potomac that day. Accordingly, without obtaining the implicit permission of the army commander, Sickles began moving Birney's division to the left and forward to the Emmitsburg Road shortly after P.

By P. Never during his decision process for this movement did Sickles seek the technical advice of Humphreys, a premier topographical engineer. Perhaps Sickles isolated Humphreys from the decision process because he felt that Humphreys would have argued against creating a salient at the Peach Orchard and isolating the Third Corps from the rest of the army. At A. Sickles ordered Humphreys to send a regiment to the skirmish line along the Emmitsburg Road and Humphreys complied by sending the First Massachusetts of Carr's brigade to relieve the Fourth Maine of Ward's Brigade which immediately returned to its parent brigade.

Humphreys reports that. The line I was directed to occupy was near the foot of the westerly slope of the ridge Cemetery Ridge This second ridge declines again immediately west of the road, at the distance of or yards from which the edge of a wood runs parallel to it. This line would be Humphreys' first position of the day. Map 1 shows how Humphreys deployed Carr's Brigade in line of regiments as the first line, Brewster's Brigade in line of battalions yards in rear of the first line, and Burling's massed brigade as the third line yards in rear of the second line.

At the time this gap did not concern Humphreys because he considered this first position as a temporary deployment and, besides, he could plug the gap with troops from second and third line. Humphreys described the ground in front of this initial position as open, but he took steps to remove obstacles by having fences torn down. Battery K, Fourth U.

Furthermore, Humphreys ordered Colonel Brewster to strengthen the division skirmish line along the Emmitsburg Road in front of Carr's brigade.

Brewster reports he was to hold the ground "at all hazards" and advanced the 73rd New York to positions around the Klingel house. Just as these dispositions were complete Humphreys received an order from Sickles that would profoundly affect his ability to hold the ground along his division's sector later that afternoon.

That order directed him to send Burling's Third Brigade to the First Division as a reserve to Birney's badly extended division. Cavada recorded in his diary that "Genl. Burling in rear of Birney's right and lead them to the place. I placed the Brigade in a rocky wood of large growth about a third of a mile to the left of the "big barn", a crumbling stone wall about 3 ft high serving as a cover.

This done I returned to our Div. Burling's regiments would be committed into combat in a piecemeal fashion by Birney prompting the following comment in Burling's after action report: "my command being now all taken from me and separated, no two regiments being together, and being under the command of the different brigade commanders to whom they had reported, I, with my staff, reported to General Humphreys for instructions, remaining with him for some time.

In the hour preceding P. Things began to heat up at P. An irate General Meade decided to ride to the left and examine Sickles advanced line for himself. Before departing headquarters at the Leister House, Meade ordered Sykes' Fifth Corps, the army reserve corps, to begin moving to the endangered left flank.

Furthermore, as Meade and his staff entourage rode south along Cemetery Ridge on the way to an interview with Sickles near the Peach Orchard, he diverted his Topological Engineer, Brig. Gouverneur K. Warren to the summit of Little Round Top to examine the situation there. Warren's timely action on Little Round Top made him a hero of the battle. At the Peach Orchard salient, Meade had a spirited conversation with Sickles just as Longstreet's pre-infantry assault fire began to pour into the Third Corps positions.

After Meade explained to Sickles that the Peach Orchard position was neutral ground, Sickles asked if he should begin moving his troops back. Humphreys' troop dispositions were complete. Humphreys' ADCs carried orders to the brigade commanders to begin a forward movement of about yards with Carr's brigade advancing in line and Brewster's Excelsior brigade advancing in battalions in mass.

As the brigades began moving forward, Humphreys received an order from Major Ludlow of Meade's staff. Some reference was made at the time, also, I think, to the intended occupation of that ground by the Fifth Corps. In a second, the Division went about face; retrod the ground, by the right flank, that they had the moment before gone over by the left flank; and, then, moved forward to their position along the Emmitsburg-road.

The whole thing was done with the precision of a careful exercise; the enemy's artillery giving effect to its picturesqueness.

The Division, Brigade, and Regimental flags were flying of course. This divisional march and countermarch, so eloquently described by Humphreys, was the movement that the rest of the army perceived as the mass movement of the entire Third Corps to its advanced position at P.

Second Corps commander, Maj. Winfield S. Hancock, observing the spectacle of Humphreys' advance, was quick to recognize the danger of the move and quipped to his staff "wait a moment, you will soon see them tumbling back. Humphreys advanced the division to its second position of the day in two lines see Map 2. Carr's brigade, the first line, was placed just behind the crest along which the Emmitsburg Road runs. The right of Carr's brigade line was held by the 26th Pennsylvania about yards south of the Codori barn and he extended his remaining regiments south along the Emmitsburg Road past the Klingel House.

S Artillery equipped with six, twelve pound smoothbore "Napoleons" to the right of the Rogers House. The response was for him to remain in place. Since Humphreys could not cover the entire division sector with only Carr's brigade, he extended his line by inserting Brewster's Second brigade regiments where needed. The 73rd New York was relieved by Carr's men at the Kingel House and formed to the left of the second line. The 74th New York was sent to support the right of Regime tibi paroles line and formed up behind the 26th Pennsylvania.

The 70th and th New York regiments remained on the second line as division reserve. Between P. Humphreys heard the roar of musketry and cannon fire as Birney's division became decisively engaged with Hood's Division, the first echelon of Longstreet's Corps attack. During this time Humphreys says that the enemy made demonstrations to his front, but did not drive in his pickets. He was probably observing McLaws' Division, Longstreet's second echelon, forming up prior to its attack at about P.

About this time the 5th New Jersey, Colonel Sewell in command, of Burling's Brigade returned to Humphreys' control and he immediately sent it to replace the pickets in front of Graham's Brigade which overlapped the division left flank. Within minutes of the deployment of the 5th New Jersey Humphreys received an urgent order from Sickles to reinforce Graham with a regiment. Although Colonel Sewell reported that the enemy was driving in the pickets and advancing in two lines Barksdale's Mississippi Brigade Humphreys obediently stripped his division reserve and sent the 73rd New York to Graham.

Henry Christiancy to the Second Corps headquarters to request a reinforcing brigade from Hancock. By this time Humphreys was well aware that Caldwell's Division had passed behind him on its way southward to shore up General Sickles' beleaguered left flank.

Earlier, as he deployed along the Emmitsburg Road, Humphreys saw the immediate need for more artillery support because his division was receiving fire from Confederate batteries that were engaging Sickles artillery positions in the Peach Orchard. Sending ADC Lt. McClellan found a better position for Seeley's battery by moving it to the left of the Rogers House. Artillery from the army artillery reserve assumed the previous firing positions of Seeley's Battery to the right of the Rogers House.

As the enemy infantry began to advance on Humphreys' line, Seeley's and Tumball's batteries opened fire. Cavada observed that "Genl. At this critical juncture General Sickles was severely wounded near the Trostle farm and relinquished command to General Birney whose own division was about to disintegrate.

Birney later claimed that he personally observed a gap between Humphreys' left brigade Brewster and Graham's Brigade through which the enemy were about to pour.

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Birney then ordered Humphreys to change his divisional front to cover this threat. Humphreys later reported that the gist of this verbal order was "to throw back my left, and form a line oblique to and in rear of the one I then held, and was informed that the First Division would complete the line the Round Top ridge. This I did under a heavy fire of artillery and infantry from the enemy, who now advanced on my whole front.

However, at this time Humphreys had to direct his personal attention to his left. He considered the division's right flank relatively secure because ADC LT Christiancy had returned from Hancock's Corps leading two regiments of reinforcements the 15th Massachusetts and the 82nd New York which were posted about feet north of the division right flank near the Cordori farm.

Increased pressure from Barksdale's and Wilcox's brigades of McLaws' Division along the picket line began to force Sewell's 5th New Jersey back to Humphreys' main line of resistance. Capt Cavada vividly recorded what happened next:. The breeze blowing southward carried the heavy sulphurous smoke in clouds along the ground, at times concealing everything from my view. Our skirmishers now began a lively popping, the first drops of the thunder shower that was to break upon us.

An aide from Genl. Birney rode up to Genl. As everything was ready we sat quietly on our horses, dodging the shot and shell that skimmed along. Our skirmishers were hotly engaged now and moving back, slowly. Our own batteries silently awaiting the assault.

A copious shower of shell and canister from the enemy was followed by a diabolical cheer and yells, and "here they come" rang along our line. Despite intense pressure from Barksdale's Mississippians, Humphreys and his battle staff were able with great difficulty to form the new oblique line.

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Later, Humphreys modestly confided to a friend that this movement was accomplished in "pretty good order under heavy close fire of artillery and infantry In reality, however, the "close fire" was so intense that ADC Capt. Henry Chester, seated on his horse immediately beside his Commanding General was mortally wounded, shot through the bowels.

While Humphreys supported Chester in his saddle, he ordered his son Henry to accompany Chester to the rear for medical aid. Henry Humphreys turned Chester over to an orderly and quickly returned to the firing line. Shortly after this incident Humphreys, having supervised the formation of the oblique line, was leaving the vicinity of the Peach Orchard, but found himself isolated about eighty yards between his line and the enemy advancing from Warfield Ridge and up the Emmitsburg Road.

Humphreys' horse was struck by fire and pitched forward and threw the general out of his saddle. One of the ADCs probably his son Henry offered his own wounded horse to Humphreys, who declined the offer. The ADC did retrieve the general's saddle pistol holsters but not the saddle bags containing some important military documents.

James F. Diamond, Sixth U. Cavalry, gave his horse to the General. The courageous Diamond was never seen again becoming one of the countless identified corpses on the battlefield. Humphreys nonchalantly described the situation in his battle report by stating that "my infantry now engaged the enemy's but my left was in the air although I extended it as far as possible with my Second Brigadeand, being the only troops on the field, the enemy's whole attention was directed to my division, which was forced back slowly, firing as they receded.

Humphreys now received a critical second order from one of Birney's staff officers ordering him to withdraw his division from the Emmitsburg Road line back to the Cemetery Ridge line. Carr's Brigade received the withdrawal order directly from the acting corps commander.

Birney, having the broader perspective of a corps commander, realized that the Third Corps could no longer hold Sickles' advanced line because of Confederate successes on the far left at Devil's Den and in the Rose wheatfield. Accordingly, he ordered Humphreys to withdraw. Humphreys, however, had the more narrow view of the action only along his division sector.

Humphreys had great confidence in the fighting ability of his soldiers and preferred to fight it out along the Emmitsburg Road line. Paramount in his mind was the avoidance of heavy casualties that would result if his division had to withdraw in the face of an all-out Confederate assault.

Both of Humphreys' brigade commanders later sustained this opinion of the withdrawal order. Carr on the right would report that "notwithstanding my apparent critical position, I could and would have maintained my position but for an order received direct from Major General Birney, commanding the corps, to fall back to the crest of the hill in my rear. At that time I have no doubt that I could have charged on the rebels and driven them in confusion, for my line was still perfect and unbroken, and my troops in the proper spirit for the performance of such a task.

In retiring, I suffered a severe loss in killed and wounded. Brewster concurred by stating in his battle report that "up to this time we had not been engaged at all, but now the troops on our left being obliged to fall back, the enemy advanced upon us in great force, pouring into us a most terrific fire of artillery and musketry, both upon our front and left flank. Our men returned it with great effect, and for some time held the enemy in check, but the troops on our left being, for want of support, forced still further back, left us exposed to an enfilading fire before which we were obliged to fall back, which was done in good order, but with terrible loss of both officers and men.

But our fire had not checked them and our thin line showed signs of breaking. The battery enfilading us redoubled its fire, portions of Birney's command were moving to the rear broken and disordered.

Our left regiments took the contagion and fled, leaving a wide gap through which the enemy poured in upon us.

In vain did staff officers draw their swords to check the flying soldiers, and endeavor to inspire them with confidence, for a moment the route was complete. However, Carr's success along the Emmitsburg Road would be very short-lived. Soon his regiments were involved in desperate firefights as they fell back slowly.

For example, the 11th New Jersey, the left regiment of the brigade, was decisively engaged with Barsdale's Mississippians and, as a consequence, would sustain sixty percent casualties in the fight. Leadership losses were especially severe in this regiment with the regimental commander, Col. Robert McAllister, being wounded and Maj.

Phillip J. Kearny being mortally wounded. This regiment had five commanders that afternoon with command finally settling on the regimental adjutant, Lt. John Schoonover. I believe it to be almost an impossibility to rally the most staid veterans under such afire as our troops were then exposed to.

As Seeley observed, Humphreys was conspicuous by his inspiring presence all along the divisional front during its fighting withdrawal to Cemetery Ridge. With sheer force of will and iron discipline, and most probably with a fair share of swearing for which he was famous, Humphreys rode along the line ordering parries where needed and generally inspiring an orderly withdrawal of his brigades. As motivational insurance Humphreys placed behind his line a detail of seventy soldiers from the Division Provost Guard with fixed bayonets to deter any unwounded shirkers or cowards from fleeing to the rear.

The Provost Guard detail suffered heavy casualties performing this essential combat function. Humphreys considered this fighting withdrawal as an orderly movement and not a rout! He wrote to his wife after the battle that "the fire we went through was hotter in artillery and as destructive as at Fredericksburg General Carr also praised Humphreys by recording that "I must be pardoned, perhaps, for referring in my report to the conspicuous courage and remarkable coolness of the brigadier-general commanding the division during this terrific struggle.

His presence was felt by the officers and men, as the enthusiastic manner in which he was greeted will testify. Humphreys' personal courage and sheer will inspired his retreating regiments to maintain their unit integrity long enough to reach the main line of resistance along Cemetery Ridge see Map 3. The fact that the number of men captured in the withdrawal was low is a tribute to the tactical control exercised by Humphreys.

General Hancock rode by Humphreys' Division on his way to superintend the Third Corps front and later recalled that "there seemed nothing left of the division but a mass of regimental colors still waving defiantly.

Hancock ordered Humphreys to form his division in the position left vacant by Caldwell. Humphreys and his staff officers immediately complied his Hancock's order and went about the business of reconstituting the regiments into brigade formations. Meanwhile, Hancock ordered Willard's brigade to plug the gap left by Birney's retreating division and he ordered the heroic First Minnesota Regiment into the teeth of Wilcox's final surge at Cemetery Ridge. Humphreys' official report says. The infantry joined, and the enemy broke and was driven from the field, rapidly followed by Hancock's troops and the remnants of my two brigades, who took many prisoners and brought off two pieces of our artillery which had been left after all the horses were killed.

Thomas Hogan, Third Excelsior, brought to me on the field the flag of the Eighth Florida Regiment, which he had captured. He deserves reward. July 2, action had ceased along Humphreys' front. As Humphreys struggled to reform the division, the horrendous human cost to the division was tallied by his staff. Humphreys' battle report shows an aggregate infantry loss of 2, officers and 1, enlisted killed, wounded, and missing soldiers.

Chester mortally, and Lt. Humphreys shot through the arm. To place this devastating total into a 20th century perspective, consider the fact that the historical average daily battlefield casualty rate for a modern American division in combat has ranged from 1. William J. Russell, Division Ambulance Officer, immediately began the gruesome and dangerous duty of recovering wounded soldiers for transport to the Third Corps Hospital.

July 3 would be a day of much movement, but little combat for Humphreys' Division. Before dawn Confederate artillery directed a brief but violent volley of fire at Humphreys' division sector. Just after sunrise Humphreys received orders from Birney to move his division to the left and rear probably behind Cemetery Ridge along the Taneytown Road for distribution of rations, small arms ammunition resupply, and collection of stragglers.

By A. The occupation of this position was very brief because Humphreys soon received orders to shift his division to the left in support of the Fifth and Sixth Corps'. Humphreys obediently moved his massed division into its fourth position of the day in the vicinity of the Wheatfield Road where it passes north of Little Round Top. Humphreys was displaced again at about P. This time Humphreys was ordered to form in mass by battalions in the rear and the left of the Second Corps and to the right of some First Corps units and behind the massed artillery batteries along Cemetery Ridge.

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Cette politique de retour ne modifie pas vos droits légaux, par exemple ceux relatifs à des articles défectueux ou mal décrits. Pour plus d'information, y compris vos droits en vertu du Règlement sur les contrats de consommation, veuillez consulter la section Connaissez vos droits. Livraison et expédition. Contactez le vendeur - la page s'ouvre dans une nouvelle fenêtre ou un nouvel onglet pour connaître les modes de livraison disponibles vers votre destination.

Les frais de livraison ne peuvent pas être calculés. Saisissez un code postal valide.